Designing a teacher survey about teacher education in Qatar Research Paper

Designing a teacher survey about teacher education in Qatar - Research Paper Example Survey can be in terms of geography; like aerial survey, communal land survey system or even survey township. Another form of survey may involve sciences of the earth, like soil survey. Deviation survey is used in construction and there is the academia survey whose purpose is to enable opinions and information to be collected for the improvement of the educational sector. In this essay, attention will be driven towards survey that is concerned with teachers and their technological training needs. With changing technology, people should know how the new technology works, particularly teachers. Surveys done before have proven to be successful as the information collected has proved to be vital towards development in the educational sector. The purpose of this survey is to ensure that all teaching personnel in Qatar are conversant with technological changes (Qatar, 2010). The teaching system in Qatar needs educational reform since its educational development system is at its critical st age and initiative needs to be taken in order to ensure that the future of Qatar students is channeled towards their success. The purpose of this survey is to establish how technology can and is being used in teacher education and if meets the current needs of teacher trainees in Qatar (Sapsford, 2007).   QUESTIONARE A. ... 3. Which sites do you value most when it comes to website usage? 4. Which ICT courses have you attended for the past 5 years? 5. Have you attended or do you have a membership in a professional association that is associated with ICT training? 6. Do you know the benefits of in-service training in ICT? YES/NO. If yes, can you be able to mention them, and where possible, include the disadvantages and advantages of such. 7. How many types of ICT use do you know? Name them. 8. What is the contribution to the professional development of others in terms of ICT? C. TRAINING NEEDS 1. Why do you need training in the ICT? 2. How many types of ICT use are you conversant with? 3. In terms of internet use, how would you describe its importance to students and how will you ensure that students become more internet literate? 4. Do you have an email address? 5. What is your purpose of using the internet? 6. Have you ever taught in any other institution or school other than the one that you are in? YE S/NO. Name them and indicate whether computer related subjects were taught. 7. Would you like training in specialized educational software? YES/NO. 8. Would you like training in subject specific training? YES/NO. If so, which particular subject would you require subject specific training? 9. Do you know how to format a disk? YES/NO 10. Do you know how to check a computer for a virus, or manage a file in a computer? YES/NO D.ATTITUDES TOWARDS ICT 1. 1. How do you feel about the advanced technological changes that are facing today’s society? 2. 3. Do you think that with the coming of technology, there is going to be an erosion of culture and tradition? YES/NO. If so, what do you propose should be done in order to ensure

The Fault And Rise Of John Lasseter Essay Example for Free

The Fault And Rise Of John Lasseter Essay John Lasseter grew up in a family heavily involved in artistic expression. Lasseter was drawn to cartoons as a youngster. Then as a freshman in high school he read a book entitled The Art of Animation. The book, about the making of the Disney animated film Sleeping Beauty, proved to be a revelation for Lasseter. He discovered that people could earn a living by developing cartoons. Lasseter started writing letters to The Walt Disney Company Studios regarding his interest in creating cartoons. Studio representatives, who corresponded with Lasseter many times, told him to get a great art education, after which they would teach him animation. When Disney started a Character Animation Program at the California Institute of Arts film school, the Disney Studio contacted Lasseter and he enrolled in the program. Classes were taught by extremely talented Disney animators who also shared stories about working with Walt Disney. During summer breaks from Cal Art classes, jobs at Disneyland further fuelled Lasseter’s passion for working as an animator for Disney Studios. Full of excitement, Lasseter joined the Disney animation staff in 1979 after graduation from the California Institute of Arts, but he was met with disappointment. According to Lasseter, â€Å"[t]he animation studio wasn’t being run by these great Disney artists like our teachers at Cal Arts, but by lesser artists and businesspeople who rose through attrition as the grand old men retired.† Lasseter was told, â€Å"[y]ou put in your time for 20 years and do what you’re told, and then you can be in charge.† He continues, â€Å"I didn’t realize it then, but I was beginning to be perceived as a loose cannon. All I was trying to do was make things great, but I was beginning to make some enemies.† In the early 1980s, Lasseter became enthralled with the potential of using computer graphics technology for animation but found little interest among Disney Studio executives for the concept. Nonetheless, a young Disney executive, Tom Willhite, eventually allowed Lasseter and a colleague to develop a 30-second test film that combined â€Å"hand-drawn, two-dimensional Disney-style character animation with three-dimensional computer-generated backgrounds.† Lasseter found a story that would fit the test and could be developed into a full movie. When Lasseter presented the test clip and feature movie idea to the Disney Studio head, the only question the studio head asked concerned the cost of production. Lasseter told him the cost of production with computer animation would be about the same as a regular animated feature, and the studio head informed Lasseter, â€Å"I’m only interested in computer animation if it saves money or time.† Lasseter subsequently discovered that his idea was doomed before he ever presented it to the studio head. Says Lasseter, â€Å"[w]e found out later that others poked holes in my idea before I had even pitched it. In our enthusiasm, we had gone around some of my direct superiors, and I didn’t realize how much of an enemy I had made of one of them. I mean, the studio head had made up his mind before we walked in. We could have shown him anything and he would have said the same thing.† Shortly after the studio head left the room, Lasseter received a call from the superior who didn’t like him, informing Lasseter that his employment at Disney was being terminated immediately. Despite being fired, Lasseter did not speak negatively of the Disney organization, nor did he let others know anything other than the project on which he was working had ended. His personal admiration and respect for Walt Disney and animation were too great to allow him to do otherwise. Lasseter was recruited to Lucasfilm by Ed Catmull to work on a project that â€Å"turned out to be the very first character-animation cartoon done with a computer.† Not too long afterwards, Steve Jobs bought the animation business from George Lucas for $10 million and Pixar Animation Studios was born. Lasseter became the chief creative genius behind Pixar’s subsequent animated feature film successes like Toy Story, Toy Story 2, A Bug’s Life, and The Incredibles, among others. In 2006, Disney CEO Robert Iger and Pixar CEO Steve Jobs consummated a deal for Pixar to become a wholly-owned subsidiary of Disney. Iger wanted to reinvigorate animation at Disney, and as the top creative executive at Pixar, John Lasseter, was viewed a key figure in achieving this objective. Lasseter â€Å" is regarded by Hollywood executives as the modern Walt [Disney] himself [with capabilities] that have made Pixar a sure thing in the high stakes animated world.† Former Disney Studios head, Peter Schneider, says Lasseter â€Å"is a kid who has never grown up and continues to show the wonder and joy that you need in this business.† Current Disney Studio chief, Dick Cook, says that Lasseter is like the famous professional basketball player, Michael Jordan. â€Å"He makes all the players around him better.† Lasseter now oversees development of movies at both Pixar’s and Disney’s animation studios. Says Lasseter, â€Å"I can’t tell you how thrilled I am to have all these new roles. I do what I do in life because of Walt Disney his films and his theme park and his characters and his joy in entertaining. The emotional feeling that his creations gave me is something that I want to turn around and give to others.† Discussion Questions 1. What forms of interpersonal power are evident in the case? 2. In what ways do the two faces of power appear in this case? 3. Does the firing of John Lasseter from Disney Studios and the events leading up to his firing demonstrate the ethical use of power? Explain your answer. 4. Did the firing of John Lasseter indicate the existence of political behaviour in the Disney organization?

A Feminist Perspective of A Dolls House Essay -- Feminism Feminist Wo

A Feminist Perspective of A Doll's House In "A Doll's House", Ibsen portrays the bleak picture of a role held by women of all economic classes that is sacrificial. The female characters in the play back-up Nora's assertion that even though men are unable to sacrifice their integrity, "hundreds of thousands of woman have." Mrs. Linde found it necessary to abandon Krogstad, her true but poor love, and marry a richer man in order to support her mother and two brothers. The nanny has to abandon her children to support herself by working for Nora. Though Nora is economically advantaged, in comparison to the other female characters, she leads a hard life because society dictates that Torvald be the marriages dominant member. Torvald condescends Nora and inadvertently forces Nora to hide the loan from him. Nora knows that Torvald could never accept the idea that his wife, or any other woman, could aid in saving his life. At the beginning of "A Doll's House", Nora seems completely happy. She responds to Torvald's teasing, relishes in the excitement of his new job, and takes pleasure in the company of her children and friends. Nora never appears to disagree with her doll-like existence, in which she is cuddled, pampered and patronized. As the play progresses, Nora's true character appears and proves that she is more than just a "silly girl" as Torvald calls her. Her understanding of the business details related to the dept she incurred in taking out a loan to help Torvald's health shows her intelligence and her abilities beyond being merely a wife. The secret labor she undertakes to pay off her dept demonstrates her determination and ambition. In addition, her willingness to break the law in order to aid her... ...dlike mentality and needs to grow before she can raise her own children. Her defiance of Torvald, when he refuses to let her leave, reflects her epiphany that she isn't obligated to let Torvald dictate her actions. The height of Nora's realization comes when she tells Torvald that her duty to herself is as strong as her duty as a wife and mother. She now sees that she is a human being before she is a wife and mother and she owes herself to explore her personality, ambitions, and beliefs. Works Consulted Clurman, Harold. Ibsen. New York: Macmillan. 1977 Ibsen, Henrik. Four Major Plays. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998 Shaw, Bernard. "A Doll's House Again."   Twentieth-Century Literary Criticism.   Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1979. Templeton, Joan. "The Doll House Backlash: Criticism, Feminism, and Ibsen." PMLA (January 1989): 28-40. A Feminist Perspective of A Doll's House Essay -- Feminism Feminist Wo A Feminist Perspective of A Doll's House In "A Doll's House", Ibsen portrays the bleak picture of a role held by women of all economic classes that is sacrificial. The female characters in the play back-up Nora's assertion that even though men are unable to sacrifice their integrity, "hundreds of thousands of woman have." Mrs. Linde found it necessary to abandon Krogstad, her true but poor love, and marry a richer man in order to support her mother and two brothers. The nanny has to abandon her children to support herself by working for Nora. Though Nora is economically advantaged, in comparison to the other female characters, she leads a hard life because society dictates that Torvald be the marriages dominant member. Torvald condescends Nora and inadvertently forces Nora to hide the loan from him. Nora knows that Torvald could never accept the idea that his wife, or any other woman, could aid in saving his life. At the beginning of "A Doll's House", Nora seems completely happy. She responds to Torvald's teasing, relishes in the excitement of his new job, and takes pleasure in the company of her children and friends. Nora never appears to disagree with her doll-like existence, in which she is cuddled, pampered and patronized. As the play progresses, Nora's true character appears and proves that she is more than just a "silly girl" as Torvald calls her. Her understanding of the business details related to the dept she incurred in taking out a loan to help Torvald's health shows her intelligence and her abilities beyond being merely a wife. The secret labor she undertakes to pay off her dept demonstrates her determination and ambition. In addition, her willingness to break the law in order to aid her... ...dlike mentality and needs to grow before she can raise her own children. Her defiance of Torvald, when he refuses to let her leave, reflects her epiphany that she isn't obligated to let Torvald dictate her actions. The height of Nora's realization comes when she tells Torvald that her duty to herself is as strong as her duty as a wife and mother. She now sees that she is a human being before she is a wife and mother and she owes herself to explore her personality, ambitions, and beliefs. Works Consulted Clurman, Harold. Ibsen. New York: Macmillan. 1977 Ibsen, Henrik. Four Major Plays. New York: Oxford University Press, 1998 Shaw, Bernard. "A Doll's House Again."   Twentieth-Century Literary Criticism.   Detroit: Gale Research Inc., 1979. Templeton, Joan. "The Doll House Backlash: Criticism, Feminism, and Ibsen." PMLA (January 1989): 28-40.

Kaplan University

The increased use of online universities in this country have given millions of Americans the opportunity to get their degree later in life while possibly trying to juggle a career and family at the same time. These are five such universities.The first is Kaplan University.   Its website is www.kaplan.edu and the university offers master’s, bachelor’s and associate degrees as well as certificates that can provide the student with skills to compete in the fields of health care, design, criminal justice and education to name a few.   The university was founded in 1937 and the current tuition costs are ranging from $305- $475 per credit hour. This is depending upon the type of degree that the individual has chosen. The university is helpful to its alumni in the fact that accepts resumes and posts jobs on their website for employers.Its mission statement is: Kaplan University is an institution of higher learning dedicated to providing innovative undergraduate, graduate, and continuing professional education. Our programs foster student learning with opportunities to launch, enhance, or change careers in a diverse global society. The University is committed to general education, a student-centered service and support approach, and applied scholarship in a practical environment.†To contact Kaplan University by email, [email  protected] is the email address. â€Å"Since 1937, we’ve built a long and distinguished tradition as both an academic pioneer and career-maker. We’re part of Kaplan Higher Education, a premier education provider, with more than 75 campus-based schools nationwide. Unique to our education family are some of the highest ranked programs in the world. Kaplan is the world leader in test preparation and has helped more than 3 million students prepare to take the tests necessary to achieve their education and career goals. The Kaplan Professional companies provide certification training developed for adult learner s who are juggling the demands of home, family, and busy careers.† (getinfo.kaplan.edu)University of Phoenix   www.phoenix.edu) is the largest online university in the country with more than 20,000 faculty and more than 220,000 undergraduates. The university was founded in 1976 and its central location is in Phoenix, Arizona. The University of Phoenix, has grown considerably and it was recognized as the first university in the country to offer course work online. The email of the university is [email  protected] and its tuition is $475 per credit hour.Its mission statement is: The Statement of Mission and Purposes focuses clearly on student learning and identifies that focus as the vehicle through which broader institutional goals will be pursued. It also emphasizes innovation, convenience, continuous improvement, and service quality as essential to mission fulfillment.The University of Phoenix has extensive resources in the area of job postings.   There are literally th ousands of jobs postings in the website which is frequented by University of Phoenix undergraduates and alum on a daily basis. â€Å"Beginning in the early 1970s University of Phoenix reinvented the way in which working adults could achieve a higher education and made academic innovation, quality and accountability its hallmark. It pioneered an educational and service model specifically geared toward the way adults learn best and made its programs widely available to working students using common-sense scheduling and fresh new approaches to academic delivery.† ( www.phoenix.edu)DeVry University is one of the most widely known and respected universities in the country.   And now they can add their online university to that list. DeVry University: (www.devryonlinedegrees.com)   is a for profit institution for full or part time individuals seeking training in some of the more technical jobs in the country and which are already in the work force.Devry was founded in 1931 and its tuition costs per semester is $4975. Devry offers an online search engine in the way of job postings and offers a wide and diverse range of jobs to chose from; many of which place a great deal of merit on an alum from Devry University. Its email for students is: [email  protected] and its main programs are computer engineering, electronic engineering network and communicationIts mission statement is: The mission of DeVry University is to foster learning through high-quality, career-oriented undergraduate and graduate programs in technology, business, and management.   The university delivers its programs at campuses, centers and online to meet the needs of a diverse and geographically dispersed student population.Strayer University: www.strayer.edu. Is located in Washington D.C. and it a private institution.   Strayer has more than 31,000 students within its 45 campuses and serves its students online as well as in the classroom and it is unique in that fashion.The tuition is $1730 per course and its job postings and postings of resumes on behalf of its undergraduates is very helpful to the students and the website has received positive feedback for these services. The university was founded in 1892 but was made a university as recently as 1998. Its email for applicants is [email  protected]Its mission statement is: To establish opportunities for Strayer University alumni to stay connected to the University and remain on the cutting edge of business and technology. Over 112 years, the school has expanded to 45 campuses and in 11 states. â€Å"Strayer University offers an alumni directory as well as daily postings of job fairs as well as a newsletter for its alumni and undergraduates. Our undergraduate and graduate programs are available at  46 campuses in Alabama, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Maryland, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, Tennessee, Virginia and Washington, D.C., as well as online. Many students take advantage o f both on-campus and online courses.† ( www.strayer.edu.com)Thompson Rivers University is another online school that has earned the respect of its students.   Its campus is located in British Columbia, Canada and was established as recently as 2005 as an online university.   The school was established in 1978 and it is a public institution.   Its website is www.tru.ca/ and its email for interested applicants is [email  protected]/   The university offers free job postings and well as resumes to be posted on their website.   The services that the university offers in this are not as extensive as other, more established universities but it promises to increase its listings in the coming months.Its mission statement is: To support planning at a variety of levels across the university by providing accurate, timely, impartial and reliable information and analysis for decision-making, policy development, and internal and external constituent needs. The tuition fees are v ery reasonable at $111 per semester hour which is much lower than the above mentioned universities and one of the more affordable tuitions that I have ever come across.   And with that total being in Canadian dollars, the tuition is even less than that at just over $100 per semester hour. Here are a few fast facts about the college: Almost 50 undergraduate degree options at the TRU Kamloops Campusâ€Å"Nearly 20 professional career Diploma programs, all with ‘ladders' to a degree at the Kamloops campus Six- to ten-month Job-entry certificates, Trade-entry and Apprenticeship training at the Kamloops campus Distance education courses, and complete distance programs in selected fields. Flexible distance and degree, diploma and certificate access through the BC Centre Open Learning, currently based at our Burnaby campus.† ( www.tru.ca)Here is a summary on just a few of the online universities that are available.   And with more becoming accredited, it is becoming easier for professional adults to go back and get their degree and open up the door of opportunity when they thought that it has been closed forever.

To what extent are developmental states emerging within Africa and what policies could be adopted to support them?

Introduction This essay is concerned with analysing what role, if any, the model of the ‘developmental state’ can play within Africa. The concept of the â€Å"developmental state† has origins in the fruitful development in Eastern Asia. This research will look to examine the relevance of the existing model to contemporary Ghana. The paper will also look at the extent to which the favourable conditions for growth that existed in East Asia could ever be replicated in Africa (for a brief summary of the contemporary debate see: United Nations Economic and Social Council (UNESC), 2013). As a form of introduction to the topic, this study will start with a brief definition of a developmental state according to the literature before moving on to look at what characteristics make up a typical developmental state. A brief analysis will determine the extent to which there is agreement within the literature. From here, the paper will look at the origins of the â€Å"developmental state model† born out of the experiences in East Asia as well as exploring some of the major academic contributions to the developmental state debate. Here, the research will touch upon the relevance of these contributions within the African context. The second section will be the main critical analysis around the extent to which developmental states are emerging within Africa or whether the ‘impossibility theorem’ (Mkanadwire, 2001) continues to hold water. Following that, the paper will examine what policies are needed to support these fledgling developmental states, according to the literature. The third and final chapter will provide case studies from Ghana, examining whether this nation possesses any of the defining features that constitute a developmental state. The aim here is to show, via a practical example, that â€Å"developmental states† are possible in Africa but are also far from similar to East Asian examples. Here, the paper will also offer a critique to show the struggles and developmental threats for Africa as a counter argument that developmental states are emerging within Africa. Starting first with a definition of a developmental state, the study immediately encounter some points of contention. Firstly, as Mbabazi and Taylor (2005) point out, â€Å"the definition of a developmental state does not correspond directly with economic performance.† That is, a country which is performing well economically is not necessary ‘developmental’. Rather, the current accepted definition of a â€Å"developmental state† is one that is ideologically directed towards development, where the state â€Å"seriously attempts to deploy its administrative and political resources to the task of economic development† (Mbabazi and Taylor, 2005: 2). Traditionally. â€Å"developmental states† are associated with locations that have economic development as a leading governmental policy which has the potential to form bodies which can facilitate these policies and targets. To be classed as a developmental state, there must be a governmental ability to â€Å"weave formal and informal networks of collaboration† between civilians and public officials whilst promoting â€Å"macro-economic stability† and maintaining an â€Å"institutional framework that provides law and order, effective administration of justice and peaceful resolution of conflicts, ensures property rights and appropriate infrastructure investments, and advances human development† (Mkandawire, 1999, 2010; UNESC, 2013; 2). Others have added to the definition of a developmental state in that it must be willing to engage itself directly with the direction and pace of economic development using ‘market conforming’ mechanisms to allocate economic resources, rather than simply falling back on a uncoordinated, laissez-faire attitudes to market forces (Johnson, 1982: 319-20; Mbabazi and Taylor, 2005: 4; Meyns and Musamba, 2010 :13, UNESC, 2013: 2). Now that a clear definition of what a developmental state is, along with a taste of what key theoretical features need to be present has been established, this paper will take a step back to look at the origins of the developmental state in terms of East Asian experiences. Here, the study will see some of the main contributions made to the literature from leading scholars, which will shed some light on what are held to be the key theoretical features of developmental states. This will then be used as an entry point into the discussion about to what extent these theoretical features are feasible, and how it might be applied within the context of this research. As touched upon above, much of the contemporary discussion about developmental states has its roots in research conducted on the experiences faced by the East Asian tigers (for the original research see: Amsden, 1989; Haggard, 1990; Johnson, 1982). There seems to be a general consensus within the academic literate as to the key features that facilitate the Asian tigers to superior levels of growth and these are the following: Embedded autonomy of state bureaucracy: Put forward by Peter Evans (1989, 1995), he argued that strong state institutions have a significant influence towards the promotion of development in the Tiger economies because they avoided being ‘captured’ by vested interests. The East Asian states have professional bureaucracies, in which the employees had real opportunities for advancement so they avoided the temptation to engage in extra rent-seeking (income providing) activities. Simultaneously, Evans noted that the state administration remained attached to or embedded in society so that it did not become isolated and self-serving, so that it could continually redefine its policy goals and aims. Market conforming intervention Charlmers Johnson (1982), who studied Japan’s highly successful post-war recovery, found similar results to Evans. He notes that â€Å"small, inexpensive, professional and efficient state bureaucracies or pilot bureaucratic agencies†, like the Japanese Ministry for International Trade and Industry (MITI), which had authority over economic policy, allowed those states to promote civic interests whilst maintaining a high level of prestige and legitimacy (Johnson, 1982: 49). Most importantly for Johnson, however, was the fact that the government of Japan provided national administrators with the tools and authority to intervene directly in the economy under the condition that all work would stick to neo-liberal market principles (Johnson 1982: 315-316). Political primacy According to Adrian Leftwich; â€Å"politics is the dominant variable which determines the concept of the developmental state as well as the developmental success or failure in all human societies† (Meynes and Musamba, 2005:16). Leftwich (2000: 4) argues that developmental states possess the following six factors during their emergence: â€Å"The presence of development-oriented political elite who possess high levels of commitment and will to attain economic growth.† â€Å"A powerful, professional, highly competent, insulated and career-based bureaucracy† â€Å"Civil society is relatively weak and disorganised† â€Å"A high capacity for the effective economic management of both domestic and private economic interests† â€Å"An uneasy mix of repression and non-adherence to human rights† â€Å"Performance-based legitimacy of the governing political elite, and which takes precedence over procedural legitimacy† (Leftwich, 2000:174). It seems that Leftwich differs in his arguments from Evans, in that Leftwich observes an imbalance. Yet it can be seen that there exists a significant state body which has a powerful bureaucracy which can effectively take care of the interest of the private economic. Then, this leads to a frail society which has no way of influencing the ruling elite. Alternatives to neo-liberal economics: Conceptually speaking, the developmental state is often located in-between a â€Å"free market capitalist economic system† and a centrally-planned economic system â€Å"conjoining private ownership with state guidance† (Woo-Cumings 1999: 2). This means it is neither purely capitalist nor totally socialist. With regards to the relationship between the developmental state and â€Å"interventionism† is concerned, â€Å"the developmental state is an embodiment of a normative or moral ambition to use the interventionist power of the state to guide investment in a way that promotes a certain solidaristic vision of national economy† (Loriaux 1999: 24). Ha-Joon Chang, demonstrates that â€Å"economic development requires a state which can create and regulate the economic and political relationships that can support sustained industrialisation – or in short, a developmental state† (Chang, 1999:183). Therefore, the creation of the developmental state concept leads to the formation of a interventionist state. Are developmental states emerging in Africa Several African states have endured a surge in development across the independence years, that started from the early 1960s onwards (Woo?Cumings 1999: 19?20). However, subsequently, governance deteriorated and efforts to spread education stalled: â€Å"National armies discredited themselves through bloody coups and internal divisions along ethnic lines† (Woo?Cumings 1999: 19?20). Since those dark times, there has been increasing evidence to suggest that developmental states are now emerging in sub-Saharan Africa. However, existing literature expresses concerns with regards to if this the correct route for the African countries. For example, Woo-Cumings warns us that the developmental state can be â€Å"good in relation to its (economic) effectiveness but it can also be a grim model in terms of human rights and lack of democracy† (Woo-Cumings 1999: 19?20). After initial developmental optimism, by the 1990s, things had changed; â€Å"the African state had become the most demonised social institution in Africa, vilified for its weaknesses, its over-extension, its interference with the smooth functioning of markets, its repressive character, its dependence on foreign powers, its ubiquity, its absence† (Mkadawire, 2001: 293). The legacy this has left behind is an academic thesis that posits that the developmental state concept is â€Å"not feasible under prevalent conditions in Africa known as the impossibility theorem† (Mkadawire, 2001: 293). Lewis and Stein (1997) for example, when investigating the possibility of translating the Asian model and replicating it in the African context argue that â€Å"while greater political insulation of economic policy makers could reasonably be achieved in African countries, the extensive coordinated economic interventions of the East Asian states are far beyond the administrative capabilities of most African governments†. Scepticism has been widespread within the literature regarding the prospects for the formation of viable developmental states, owing mostly to the poor record of state-led development efforts during the immediate post-independence era of African governance. State intervention in the economy, according to Ake, became a way for the governing elite to accumulate wealth for themselves (Ake, 1996). Others have put forward that the African continent lacks â€Å"adequate political superstructure and the leadership necessary for implementing policy of a developmental nature† (Birdsall, 2007: 580). The ‘impossibility theorem’ is a collection of arguments that posits that the developmental state concept in Africa is not possible, and, in particular, demonstrates scepticism towards the East Asian development experiences and if these could act as a model for Africa (Mkandawire 2001) . Those who advance the ‘impossibility theorem’ also argue that this model is incompatible with globalization. They argue that the current â€Å"international regulatory architecture and the dominance of the neo-liberal paradigm† – supported by the World Bank, the IMF and the Washington Consensus – have created an environment that is largely â€Å"inhospitable for the viability of the developmental state approach† (Beeson 2006: 34-39). Yet, supporters of the emergence of African developmental states argue that â€Å"the poor performance and lack of potential for African countries to achieve rapid state-led development is due to a biased and unfair comparison of the achievements of the East Asian models† (Mkandawire, 2001, Chang, 2006, UNCTAD, 2007). The fact is, developmental states are emerging in Africa and there evidence for them to promote a developmental-state approach. It is now accepted that â€Å"market-based economies† need a successful state to function and develop. African nations are beginning to satisfy the fundamental needs of their people (Manzavinos, 2004). This journey of rediscovering the â€Å"role† of the state has been simultaneous with the recognition of that of economic institutions. Douglass North published a book in 1990 called, Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance, which argues against the idea that â€Å"institutions simply come about as a by-product of economic growth, and put forward that improvements in institutions are essential preconditions and determinants of growth† (Manzavinos, 2004). The final part of this paper now turns to the Ghana case-study in order to find out what policies could support the growth of African developmental states. Ghana was the initial nation in Africa to gain independence and has since undergone a stable transition since then. The Nkrumah were soon established as the popular legitimacy of the state, Ghana has since managed to escape the violence that has occurred in other Sub-Sahara states. As within all academic debates there are two sides to the argument: those that put forward that Ghana is a model of a developmental state and those who argue the contrary. Put simply, Ghana has failed to capture successful long-term development but that does not necessary mean it is not a developmental state. Ghana’s growth could be seen as a â€Å"mirage† rather than a â€Å"miracle† as some key structural changes as highlighted in the introduction of this paper have not occurred. However, Dzorgbo (2001: 5) observes that â€Å"it has confronted the challenge of increasing dependence on foreign aid, an exponential external debt, high rates of unemployment and poverty, and de-industrialization resultant from the elimination of protective measures†. In terms of what policies Ghana can implement to support itself as a developmental state; it could start with intervening with its fiscal and monetary policy as done by the East Asian tigers during their developmental phase. The main aim of this would be to reduce government spending; â€Å"The CCP adopted an exaggerated, bloated vision of development of which the crucial feature was the number of physical structures and general infrastructure that could be constructed rather than assessing the actual social and material needs of the people† (Osei, 1999: 6). This would mean that Ghana should instead rely on state monetary policy to restore macroeconomic balance and cease to continue along the path of government spending which is dependent on bank credit. This creates an environment which is â€Å"inhospitable to foreign and private investment because excess lending and inflation results in low (even negative) interest rates that further discourage future investment† (Os ei, 1999: 6). This paper puts forward that the policy that Ghana should adopt is one of state intervention in its monetary policy instead of a laissez-faire attitude to economics. However, in the case of Ghana it is easy to see why the over extension of the state could become a problem given that the Divestiture Implementation Committee, established in 1990 under the patronage of the IMF, â€Å"gradually auctioned off state enterprises to the highest bidder† (Rothchild, 1991; 206). As such, Ghana has an uncomfortable history of state interference within the economy. Once hailed as the frontier of Africa and in many ways similar to the Asian tigers, Ghana still must endure significant obstacles as such â€Å"formulas for success† set by the IMF and the Washington Consensus have continually failed to bring about change. Taking into account the dynamic and unpredictable periods of economic policy formation we must ask ourselves if it even possible to generalize a developmental theory for Ghana or even Africa as a wholeAke strongly disagrees; â€Å"because development paradigms largely ignore the specificity and historicity of African countries, it puts them in a position in which everything is relevant to them and nothing is uniquely significant for understanding them† (Dzorgbo, 2001:13). In conclusion, it can be seen that drawing on the experience of the East Asian tiger’s economies cannot be effectively applied to Africa as the contexts too different. As we have seen, developmental theory can be utterly misleading and inappropriate for Africa even if there is evidence to suggest that some nations of Africa ‘fit’ the developmental state model. References: Ake, Claude (1996). Democracy and Development in Africa. Washington, D.C. The Brookings Institution. Amsden, A. (1989). Asia’s Next Giant. South Korea and Late Industrialization. New York: Oxford University Press. Beeson, Mark (2006). Politics and Markets in East Asia. Is the Developmental State Compatable with GlobalisationIn, R. Stubbs., and G. R. D. Underhill (eds.), political Economy and the Changing Global order, 3rd edition, Ontorio: Oxford University Press Birdsall, Nancy (2007). Do no Harm. Aid, Weak Institutions and the Missing Middle in Africa. Development Policy Review, 25(5), 575-598. Chang, Ha-Joon (2006). The East Asian Development Experience. The Miracle, the Crisis and the Future, London: Zed Books. Dzorgbo, D. (2001). Ghana in Search of Development: The Challenge of Governance, Economic Management, and Institution Building. Evans, Peter B. (1989). Predatory, Developmental and Other State?Apparatuses. A Comparative Political Economy Perspective on the Third World State. Sociological Forum, 4 (4), 561?587. Evans, P. (1995). Embedded Autonomy: States and Industrial Transformation. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Haggard, Stephan (1990). Pathways from the Periphery. The Politics of Growth in Newly Industrialising Countries. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. Lewis, P. and Stein, H. (1997). Shifting fortunes: the political economy of financial liberalisation in Nigeria. World Development, vol. 25, no. 1, 5–22. Loriaux, M et al (1999). Capital Ungoverned: Liberalizing Finance in Interventionist States, (Ithaca: Cornell), pp 57-91 Mantzavinos, C., North, D. C., & Shariq, S. (2004). Learning, institutions, and economic performance. Perspectives on politics, 2(01), 75-84. Mbabazi, P., & Taylor, I. (2005). Botswana and Uganda as developmental States. The Potentiality of Developmental States’ in Africa: Botswana and Uganda Compared, pp. 1-15. Meyns, P. and Musamba, C. (2010 [eds]). The Developmental State in Africa: Problems and Prospects. Institute for Development and Peace, University of Duisburg?Essen INEF-Report, 101/2010). Mkandawire, T (2001). Thinking about developmental states in Africa. Cambridge Journal of Economics, 25 (3), 289-13. Osei, A. (1999). Ghana: Recurrence and Change in a Post-Independence African State. Peter Lang Publishing Rothchild, D. (1991). Ghana: The Political Economy of Recovery. Lynne Rienner Publishers United Nations Economic and Social Council (2013). ‘The Developmental State: What Option for AfricaAn Issues Paper’ in Economic Commission for Africa Governance and Public Administration Division Third Meeting of the Committee on Governance and Popular Participation (CGPP-III). Addis Ababa, Ethiopia , 20-21 February 2013 . UNCTAD (2007). Economic Development in Africa. Reclaiming Policy Space: Domestic resource mobilization and developmental states. Geneva: UNTAD. Woo?Cumings, Meredith (ed.) (1999). The Developmental State. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

Porn and the Government essays

Porn and the Government essays People like sex. Many advertisers entice potential customers by using sex appeal to reel them in. Where would Madonna and Brittany be if it werent for their usage of sex appeal? Internet Porn is a $1 billion industry (Forbes.com) and it wouldnt be there if people werent buying it. On one episode of Sex and the City (aired on HBO), the character Samantha tells her friends, You must try the internet, IF only for the porn! Sex on the Net is the biggest underground business in the world. It attracts tens of millions of users. Online pornography was the first consistently successful e-commerce product and contributed greatly to the Internet's explosive growth. These adult sites gave us technological advances in advertising, user tracking, and e-commerce that have now spread throughout the Web. But because of societal disapproval and fear of legal prosecution, the porn industry on the Internet remains largely underground. Mainstream analysts hardly comment on it, and accurate statistics are extremely hard to come by (for instance, estimates range from 20,000 to 7 million active X-rated sites on the Net). Besides societal disapproval of obscenity there are also issues such as child porn, and illegal photographs circulating the internet which brings up a major concern. In any legitimate adult shoot, every model must show proof of age and sign a release giving the photographer the rights to sell the pictures. In the last two years, self-regulation has become an accepted reality, and most photographers can no longer sell material without the right paperwork. The risks to Webmasters for copyright infringement or a visit from a child porn crackdown squad are too expensive to ignore. As of now, there are no real internet regulations supported by the U.S. Government about internet porn. Using a photograph illegally coexists with copyright laws, and child pornography is punishable as an issue in itself...

A Brief History of the Black Panther Party Essays - Free Essays

A Brief History of the Black Panther Party Essays - Free Essays A Brief History of the Black Panther Party A Brief History of the Black Panther Party The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense was founded in October, 1966, in Oakland, California by Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale. The name was shortened to the Black Panther Party (BPP) and it began spreading eastward through the Black urban ghetto-colonies across country. In the summer of '68, David Brothers established a BPP branch in Brooklyn, New York, and a few months later Lumumba Shakur set up a branch in Harlem, New York. i joined the Harlem BPP in the fall of '68 and served as its Finance Officer until arrested on April 2, 1969 in the Panther 21 Conspiracy case which was the opening shot in the government's nationwide attack on the BPP. Moving westward, Police Departments in each city made military raids on BPP offices or homes in Philadelphia, Chicago, Newark, Omaha, Denver, New Haven, San Diego, Los Angeles, and other cities, murdering some Panthers and arresting others. After i and most other Panther 21 members were held in jail and on trial for two years, We were all acquitted of all charges and released. Most of us returned to the community and to the BPP but by then COINTELPRO had taken its toll. The BPP was rife with dissension, both internal and external. The internal strife, division, intrigue, and paranoia had become so ingrained that eventually most members drifted or were driven, away. Some continued the struggle on other fronts and some basically cooled out altogether. The BPP limped on for several more years, then died what seemed a natural death. History will be the ultimate judge of the BPP's place in the Black Liberation Movement (BLM). But in these troubled times Afrikan people in the U.S. need to investigate both the positive and negative aspects of the BPP's history in order to learn from those hard lessons already paid for in blood. In particular We need to learn the reasons for the BPP's rapid rise to prominence, the reason for its ability to move so many Afrikans and other nationalities, and the reason for its demise during its brief sojourn across the American scene. It's not possible in this short paper, on short notice, to provide much of what is necessary, so this paper will confine itself to pointing out some of the broader aspects of the BPP's positive and negative contributions to the BLM. The Positive Aspects of the BPP's Contributions Self-Defense: This is one of the fundamental areas in which the BPP contributed to the BLM. It's also one of the fundamental things that set the BPP apart from most previous Black organizations and which attracted members (particularly the youth), mass support, and a mass following. The concept is not only sound, it's also common sense. But it must be implemented correctly, otherwise it can prove more detrimental than beneficial. The self-defense policies of the BPP need to be analyzed in this light by present day Afrikan organizations. All history has shown that this government will bring its police and military powers to bear on any group which truly seeks to free Afikan people. Any Black "freedom" organization which ignores self-defense does so at its own peril. Revolutionary Nationalist Ideology: The BPP was a nationalist organization. Its main goal was the national liberation of Afrikan people in the U.S., and it restricted its membership to Blacks only. It was also revolutionary. The BPP theories and practices were based on socialist principles. It was anti-capitalist and struggled for a socialist revolution of U.S. society. On the national level, the BPP widely disseminated socialist base programs to the Afrikan masses. Internationally, it provided Afrikans in the U.S. with a broader understanding of our relationship to the Afrikan continent, the emerging independent Afrikan nations, Third World nations, Socialist nations, and all the Liberation Movements associated with these nations. Overall the ideology provided Afrikans here with a more concrete way of looking at and analyzing the world. Heretofore much of Black analysis of the world, and the society in which We live, was based on making ourselves acceptable to White society, proving to Whites that We were human, proving to Whites that We were ready for